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Contact us:
Migrants Rights Network
Club Union House
253-254 Upper Street
London
N1 1RY
Tel: 020 7288 1267
Fax: 020 7354 5620
info@migrantsrights.org.uk
www.migrantsrights.org.uk
|
Migrants
Rights News ~ No: 2
Welcome to the
October 2007 edition of Migrants Rights News
Contents:
| [0]
Introduction |
|
Welcome to the
second issue of Migrants Rights News.
We will be producing Migrants Rights News on a monthly basis. Migrants
Rights News aims to review developments in policy and practice that
affect migrants and works to support the rights of all migrants
in the UK today.
Migrants Rights News reports will feature a mix of campaigns' news,
reports of regional and national policy developments and reviews
of the latest research.
At the heart of Migrants Rights News is the campaigns and strategies
being developed by migrants to consolidate their position in British
society. We focus on strategies that extend the scope of the human,
economic and social rights which apply to migrants' circumstances.
Through connections with international networks such as the Platform
for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants (PICUM),
the European Platform for Migrant Workers Rights (EPMWR),
and Migrants Rights International (MRI)
we hope to bring developments in rights-based approaches to migration
to the UK from across the world.
|
^
Top of page ^
| End of section 0 |
[1] In the headlines
· [1.1]
Immigration at the Party Conferences
· [1.2] Migrants in Rural Britain
· [1.3] Family Reunion for Migrants
[1.1]
Immigration at the Party Conferences-Clues for the Election Campaign?
· Liberal
Democrats
· Labour
· Conservatives
[Liberal Democrats]
Party conference season
began with the Liberal Democrats in Brighton at the end of September,
and concluded three weeks later with the Tories in Blackpool. There were
clues from each side that immigration could be a 'gloves-off' issue in
the forthcoming general election campaign, with various 'British first'
and tough controls talk larded for the benefit of the parties' faithful.
The Liberal Democrats (Lib Dems) came up with a proposal
for the regularisation of undocumented migrants (UDM), which considerably
waters down the position advocated by the Strangers
into Citizens (SiC). SiC calls for residence permits to be issued
to UDMs who can demonstrate four years employment in the UK. For the Lib
Dems, this had been extended to ten.
The Lib Dems claimed that this represented, in the words of their home
affairs spokesperson, Nick Clegg, ". . . a humane, workable and principled
approach to immigration that is a million miles removed from the shameless
populism and blinkered prejudice that has dominated the debate for too
long."
Other requirements for the grant of a regular immigration status to UDMs
in the Lib Dem proposal include:
· A 'public
interest' test;
· Demonstration of a 'long-term commitment' to the UK;
· English language and civic awareness tests; and
· Payment of fees wavered for those performing community service.
Labour's immigration
minister, Liam Byrne, indicated the response that this limited set of
proposals would get if it was raised during the course of an election
campaign. Speaking on BBC2's Newsnight programme, he declared that the
measure would bring 'illegal' immigrants to the front of the queue for
jobs and benefits. Others were more sympathetic to the Lib Dems. The Economist
suggested that it was at least more credible than the government's proposal
to deport all UDMs, which at the current rate would take at least 25 years.
But other reports in the business press draw attention to the parts of
the Lib Dem resolution, which would lead to increases in fees for work
permits. Personnel Today described
that the intention to use fees charged to employers, set as a percentage
of the starting salary of the migrant worker, would be used to fund a
'national border force.'
[Labour]
The closest the Labour
Party came to discussing immigration at the main sessions of its conference
in Bournemouth were the speeches of Labour Party leader and Prime Minister
Gordon Brown
and the Home Secretary, Jacqui Smith. Brown's speech was heavily charged
with references to "the British people" and "British values,"
and he made coded references to immigration themes when he said that,
"a mark of citizenship" meant "that you should learn our
language and traditions." He also spoke of the need to "create
British jobs for British workers."
More direct comments dealt with the creation of a "unified border
force", the introduction in 2008 of identity cards for foreign nationals,
and the "Australian-style points-based approach to immigration,"
which would allow Britain to continue "to benefit from skilled workers
from abroad."
Home Secretary, Jacqui Smith made sparse references to immigration, dealing
with border security and identity-check policies in brief comments. She
also stated that plans to double enforcement action against people breaking
immigration rules would result in greater protection for workers from
exploitation.
A broader debate on immigration policy took place at the fringes of the
conference, with meetings run by a range of organisations, including the
Refugee Council, the Immigration Advisory Service and the MRN. Jon Cruddas,
the MP for Dagenham, emerged as a prominent critic of the Labour leadership.
He welcomed the fact that the issue of the exploitation of migrant workers
was moving towards the centre stage of policy discussions, and urged that
a programme for the regularisation of UDMs be adopted.
The MRN contributed to this discussion with a fringe meeting organised
jointly with Compass-Directions
for the Democratic Left and the Barrow
Cadbury Trust. The meeting launched the new publication "Towards
a Progressive Immigration Policy" (42 page .pdf) and heard contributions
from Barrow Cadbury Trust director Sukhvinder Stubbs, Compass spokesperson
Neal Lawson, Jon Cruddas MP, 'Justice
for Cleaners' campaigner Evrard
Ouale, and MRN director Don Flynn. The arguments around progressive
politics and immigration policy are discussed in a separate article in
this newsletter.
[Conservatives]
The Conservative conference
gave a big indication that the party would be returning to traditional
anti-immigrant themes in the months period leading up to the next general
election. Home affairs spokesperson David Davis () promised that it would
be a 'key
issue' for a Conservative government.
Characterising the Labour government's approach as an "open-door
policy," Davis claimed that housing, schools and communities could
not cope with immigration rates, which he said were running at the rate
of 700,000 incomers a year.
He insisted that immigration is "not the irresistible result of globalisation,"
but rather, a "failed policy" on the part of the government.
He conceded that certain aspects of immigration did bring benefits to
Britain. Conservative policy would aim at bringing in "the right
people and the right number of people." This would mean a limit on
the numbers of economic migrants coming into the country each year.
Davis claimed that Tory plans for a Border Police Force, as opposed to
Labour's Border Service, would have real powers to control movement across
frontiers. Acting on the report of an advisory committee led by former
metropolitan police chief Sir John Stevens, a Conservative government
would establish a unified border police authority charged with the power
to stop, search, detain, prosecute, gather intelligence and seize illegal
goods.
The essence of Davis' position was reiterated in David Cameron's speech
the following day. But he attempted to strike a tone consistent with his
claim to represent a modern and humane brand of Conservatism by agreeing
that the UK "has benefited immeasurably from immigration." He
said, "People who want to come here, work hard and contribute to
our country. I think our diverse and multi-racial society is a huge benefit
for Britain but we do have to recognise the pressures that can be put
on public services, schools, hospitals and housing if immigration in unlimited."
The Conservatives will be pressed to explain how they will be able to
force a substantial cut in immigration without damaging the interests
of British companies. With Labour's points-based immigration system likely
to end the schemes aimed at admitting migrants for jobs in low-skill sectors,
the options for further reductions is limited to skilled workers coming
in on work permits or the highly-skilled migrant programme. Yet these
are precisely the categories of immigrants which David Cameron and David
Davis say they value the most.
Some idea of the way in which immigration is likely to run in the next
general election can be gleaned from these excursions into the subject
at the party conferences. It is clear that the Conservatives are to make
it a big part of their pitch, arguing that they will reduce the numbers
of non-EU national migrants coming in under the economic categories. Labour
will counter this position by arguing that they are already doing this:
the points-based system they are putting in place helps pin-point the
types of workers they are prepared to admit and keep out. The Liberal
Democrats are adopting positions which promise a little more on the 'humane'
side of policy, but differs little in other respects from what the two
larger parties are arguing about.
Additional Resources
Personnel
Today Article
Strangers
into Citizens' Position
Gordan Brown's
Speech
Compass-Directions for the
Democratic Left
Liberal Democrats
Regularisation Proposal
David Cameron's
Speech on BBC
David Davis'
Speech on BBC
^
Top of page ^
|
End of section 1.1 |
[1.2]
Migrants in Rural Britain: What is the Real Story?
· Migrant
Stereotyping
· Changing Social Fabric
· How Migrants Live and Work
· National and Local Response
· From Regional Activism to National Lobbying
The comments of Cambridgeshire
police chief, Julie Spence, linking migrant workers to an increase in
crime were widely reported in the media at the end of September. They
came at a time when the government has promised action to reduce the numbers
of migrants entering the country through the ending of schemes permitting
access to low-skill jobs in agriculture, food processing, hotel and catering
services, and through the operation of a tougher points-based regime for
work permits.
[Migrant Stereotyping]
The grounds upon which
Spence made her comments on 19 September, regarding migrants' impact on
rural Britain, need to be seriously questioned. She stated that migrants
boosted crime rates and cited drink-driving and "knife crime"
as key problems. Others in the local police said they felt migrants were
a strain on public services and that they did not integrate well with
rural communities. Spence also called for more government funding to cope
with the supposed "extra pressures" from new migrant communities.
Her calls were seized by unsympathetic commentators, who used them as
an opportunity to denigrate the positive aspects of migration. But a number
of migrant support organisations and trade unions networks criticised
Spence's comments. David De Verny of the Lincolnshire Chaplaincy Services
said that, "It's simply unacceptable that migrants get blamed for
everything, from crime rates and strains on public services, to failures
in the strawberry harvest."
More sympathetic media reports reinforced these positive voices. A Guardian
feature
(26 September) showed how migrants were more likely to be victims of crime
rather than perpetrators. Even when there was an initial association of
offending with the arrival of newcomers, often due to misunderstandings
about the character of acceptable behaviour in British society, this has
been susceptible to reduction through information campaigns directed at
migrants. The South Division of the Lincolnshire police, for example,
reported a significant decrease in crime levels following an active outreach
programme from its Diversity Division. For similar reasons, drink-driving
offences in Cambridgeshire had decreased by more than a third since last
year
Drawing on experience in Lincolnshire, David De Verny points out that
many petty incidents are reported as crimes and give rise to unnecessary
stigmatisation of migrants. They become recorded as crimes, for example,
when migrants are unable to provide evidence of their residency status,
or when they are unable to show their passports-a common problem as 30-40
per cent of workers report their passports being held by agents.
Nigel Costly, who works with migrant workers' networks on behalf of the
South West TUC, linked offences to poor conditions of existence. He argues
that, "A lot of neighbourhood crime stems back to migrants' exploitative
conditions and the fact that many arrive with few social connections,
and they are easily controlled by unscrupulous agents." He also says
that where there have been efforts to unionise migrants, provide them
with better working conditions and social support, involvement in crime
decreases as vulnerability is reduced.
[Changing Social
Fabric]
Though the population
and social fabric of the east of England has changed significantly since
2004 with the accession of the new countries into the EU, it is thought
that the changes can be accommodated with proper social planning, especially
in the housing sector (see below). Cambridgeshire itself has one of the
fastest growing populations in Britain, which is projected to rise by
12.5 per cent or 94,000 people in 2016. 69,000 or two-thirds of this figure
are predicted to be from Eastern Europe.
These are regions
of the country that have had little recent history of migration and migrant
community, and they have grown to depend heavily on migrant labour. The
East of England Development Agency (EEDA) has stated that migrant workers
comprise between 50,000 and 80,000 of those economically active in the
region.
Insecurity and a feeling
of being unprotected by the police were frequently reported by migrants,
and statistics show that racially aggravated violent assault and criminal
damage in Cambridgeshire rose last year by 9 per cent. The case of two
Polish men who were nearly killed by a gang of 10 teenagers in the Cambridgeshire
town of Wiesbech is a rare but disturbing example of this. In her comment
in The Guardian
(23 September), Mary Riddell states "There is no immigration scandal,
nor any doomsday scenario of over-population. Bogus fears are incubating
greater crises." She goes on to mention that all but 3 per cent of
Eastern European migrants are employed, 56 per cent of them plan to stay
for under three months, and the overall rate of Eastern European migrants
entering is actually slowing down.
Migrant labour is an economic necessity in these rural areas. The EEDA
has reported that migrants have contributed £360 million a year
to the regional economy. According to the Commission for Rural Communities,
of all the migrants registering with rural employers since May 2004, 33
per cent were registered in the manufacturing sector, including the food
processing and packing industries, and 25 per cent were registered in
agriculture and fishing. Clearly, these industries would not survive if
it weren't for migrant labour.
[Underpaid Yet
Overcharged-How Rural Migrants Live and Work]
Housing poses a considerable
problem for migrants especially on their initial arrival. For example,
they will often arrive with enough money to cover both the first month's
rent and deposit required by landlords and accommodation agencies. The
requirement to have references and bank details also contributes to difficulties
they face in securing accommodation that is independent of their employer.
Studies have shown that the mix of housing and employment provision by
employers creates dependencies in which migrants become vulnerable to
abusive employment relations and practices (Anderson
and Rogaly 2005). (.pdf)
Migrants often live
in over-crowded and privately rented accommodation-a larger potential
hazard to their health than they themselves present to the communities
they live in. The police have reported complaints against migrants regarding
noise, parking, waste disposal, petty robbery and household disputes.
But migrants generally have little choice in finding places to live, and
they are pushed to live in housing conditions that strain their ability
to cope with stress.
In areas of work,
migrants face infringements on employment rights, including payment below
minimum wage levels, the absence of overtime or holiday pay entitlements,
lack of wage slips, and in some instances, the withholding of passports.
Poor employment practices faced by migrants include excessive non-statutory
deductions for housing, transport, and in some cases, agency fees for
the provision of work.
A significant skills
mismatch exists for many migrants who are frequently overly skilled relative
to the job and wage they are occupying. Finally, underpinning the challenge
faced by migrants seeking fair work and housing conditions is the lack
of widespread, enforceable penalties for offences and breaches against
workers and tenants. Obscuring potential remedies are factors relating
to the situation of migrants themselves, for example, temporary or unstable
immigration statuses as well as seasonal work and experiencing work mobility
within the UK.
Employers easily shirk
their responsibilities by offering migrants poor conditions of work. In
her comment in The Guardian
(24 September), Madeleine Bunting highlights that an employer's chance
of being inspected by the Health and Safety Executive is estimated to
be once every 12-20 years, and once every 200 years for breaches in the
minimum wage. Though systems are generally in place, the responsibility
rests on the migrant worker knowing how to report a complaint.
[National, Local
and Community Responses]
Media coverage particularly
in the past few weeks have partly shown how the challenges arising from
the situation of migrants living and/or working in rural areas have reached
the agenda and attention of numerous organisations and efforts, including
media coverage, academic research and investigation by local authorities
and regional bodies.
The government-appointed
rural advocate, Dr Stuart Burgess, announced in January 2007 that migrant
workers in rural areas are one of the three priorities on the agenda of
the Commission for Rural Areas. NGOs have also raised awareness of the
situation faced by migrant workers. Trade unions have highlighted the
work experiences of migrants and the absence of accessible rights. Churches
increasingly play a role in the welfare of migrant workers and initiate
debates on the nature of the work relations experienced by migrants. Regional
and local bodies have also offered various responses, including seeking
to disseminate information to both migrant workers and employers.
In the East of England,
community responses to the issue headed by regional developmental agencies,
district councils, trade unions, community-based organisations and churches
have been particularly diverse.
[EEDA and Partners'
Initiative]
The East of England
Development Agency (EEDA) launched the Mobile Europeans Taking Action
(META) as the first part of the Migrant Gateway pilot project. The META
Hotline is run by the Keystone Development Trust and Advice for Life.
Hotline users are connected to an advisor who speaks Czech, English, Lithuanian,
Polish, Portuguese, or Russian, and who can provide information on topics
such as rights to live and work in the UK, accommodation and housing,
public services, driving in the UK, welfare benefits, language training
and adult education providers.
The Trust's Chief Executive, Neil Stott, stated that they receive around
300 to 400 calls per month. The Trust is encouraging other UK Development
agencies to 'buy a day' into the project and support its ongoing development.
The hotline currently operates 16 hours per week, from 8am-12pm and 2pm-6pm
on Tuesdays and Wednesdays. The META Hotline number is 0871 423 1334.
The Trust is also exploring the possibility of developing housing solutions
for mobile workers.
Since 2004, the EEDA and Keystone Development Trust have also operated
a face-to-face service run for and by migrant workers. Staffed by a team
of six individuals who are proficient in the Portuguese language and several
East Europe languages, the service runs for 20 hours a week. Over the
past three years, the team has seen over 4000 clients, and it has assisted
on issues relating to benefits, housing, national insurance and employers.
Monthly information clinics are also run, which give the opportunity to
the Department for Work and Pensions and the police to discuss various
issues with migrants.
[District Council
Project]
In Lincolnshire, the
South Holland District Council initiated the Migrant Workers Project,
which investigated the experiences of migrants arriving in the locality
of Southern Lincolnshire. A report was published that detailed the research
findings, entitled The Dynamics of Migrant Labour in South Lincolnshire.
The website includes podcasts, which can be accessed by workers, employers
and supervisors in a range of languages.
More recently, health and safety induction packs were made available by
the Project, which included information regarding payslips and employment
contracts. Another recently launched project offers migrants in the local
area free life-skills training through the provision of mentoring, translation,
interpretation services and English language lessons. Since its inception,
however, the project has been considerably reduced.
[City Council
Service]
An initiative
currently taking place at the city level is the Peterborough City Council's
Asylum and Migration Service-New Link-an institution that aims to create
a new model for managing new arrivals by bringing together different partners
working to build better lives in the city for all communities. New Link
provides new arrivals to the city, including asylum seekers and migrant
workers, with access to information on living in Peterborough and volunteering
and employment opportunities. It conducts trainings, translation and interpreting
services, and it also provides support on how to build a community-based
association. Migrants can access office space, IT facilities and rooms
to hold meetings and trainings at New Link. The initiative also works
with host communities to promote positive thinking towards refugee, asylum
and migration issues.
[Citizen's Advice
Bureau]
Branches of the Citizens
Advice Bureau (CAB) are the frontline agencies responding to the needs
and concerns of migrants in the East of England. Many branches have at
least one Polish speaker working as an advisor. 25% of work at the local
branches of CAB is related to the issues brought by migrant workers. This
figure increases to 40% during sowing and harvest periods.
[TUC Advocacy
& Outreach]
The Trade Union Congress
(TUC) is the key national, trade union centre actively working on migrant
workers' issues across Britain, including the rural areas. Through its
affiliate members, TUC reaches out to migrant communities to recruit them
as members. Through the union, migrants can get the support and help they
need. Earlier this month, the TUC with Citizen's Advice issued guidance
for migrants (.pdf) on living and working in the UK (). The guide
contains sections on housing, council tax, TV licenses, energy suppliers,
as well as advice on how to access healthcare, open a bank account and
find a suitable school. Its work advice covers national insurance and
tax, the minimum wage, holidays, agency workers, and health and safety.
TUC also lobbies the government regionally and nationally, and in conjunction
with the EEDA, is co-sponsoring a series of conferences promoting joint
government action to meet the needs of migrants.
[Churches]
Churches are also
responding to the needs of migrants, offering a wide range of support
and playing a key role in directing new arrivals to local and national
authorities and organizations from whom they can seek services and assistance.
The Baptist church in Boston provides ESOL classes, as do Fydell House
in Boston and Market House in Long Sutton. A similar project is being
set up in Spalding. Last year, the Baptist church invited a Brazilian
minister to work in the East of England with the aim of reaching out to
Portuguese-speaking migrants. Churches and their members welcome individuals
and offer them a safe space and a break from work and home. Migrants may
express their own faith in many of the churches.
David De Verny, himself an Anglican minister based in Lincolnshire, works
to provide a welcome to new arrivals to the area. His activities amongst
the wider circles of Lincolnshire society aim to increase awareness about
the situation migrants face by explaining their presence and experiences
to churches, employers, schools and colleges.
[From Regional
Activism to National Lobbying]
Despite the hostility
to migrants in rural areas that is often expressed in the national media,
it is clear that influential currents exist in provincial cities and towns
that do value migrants' contributions to economic vitality. Many institutions
and individuals are working for changes to local infrastructure to ensure
that workers, who might otherwise be placed in a vulnerable position,
are provided with better support.
The experience of ongoing work in Lincolnshire has led David De Verny
to call for a national coalition against the abuse of migrant workers.
He believes that such a coalition should establish a national coordination
to lobby government on issues such as enforcement of safe and fair working
conditions, better housing, support for family welfare, and full access
to health services.
The foundation for
such a coalition against exploitation and abuse could be laid by churches,
trade unions, and anti-poverty and social inclusion networks, as well
as community activists currently providing advice and other support services
to newly-arriving migrants.
Potential objectives for a national coalition are suggested by the existing
work of local and regional groups. Objectives could include:
· Provision
of better information about migration flows, the forces driving migrants
and the people involved.
· A positive focus on meeting the challenges of migration that
is not tainted by a presumption that problems are overwhelming.
· Definition of strategies for getting constructive discussion
on migration into the media and other public discussion forums.
· Action to encourage engagement with the situation of migrants
on the part of local and regional government, the public services, and
civil society organisations.
· Development of programmes of work that tackle specific issues
in the work place, housing, education and language training needs, and
threats to migrants' sense of public and private safety.
Related Resources
Joint Academic Research: 'Fair
enough? Central and East European migrants in low-wage employment in the
UK.'
(pdf)
COMPAS and TUC Study: 'Forced
Labour and Migration to the UK'
(pdf)
Commission for Rural Communities
East
England Development Agency
South Holland District Council Report: "The
Dynamics of Migrant Labour in South Lincolnshire."
The New Links Centre
TUC and COMPAS Research: 'New
EU Members? Migrant Workers' Challenges and Opportunities to Trade Unions:
A Polish and Lithuanian Case Study'
(pdf)
'Living and
Working in the UK: Your Rights'
(pdf)
TUC Commission on Vulnerable
Employment
The Guardian article: 'On
the margins,' 26 September 2007.
The Guardian article: 'What
about a welcome amid the warnings, chief constable?' 23 September
2007.
The Guardian article: 'A
curious irrationality grips the British when it comes to migrants'
24 September 2007.
^
Top of page ^
[End of Section 1.2
]
[1.3]
UK Family Migration Policy
· Increasing
Restrictions
· Costs of Control
British government
policy generally stresses the importance of stable, supportive families,
and of the need to provide support for children's development, emphasising
that "every child matters." But migration policy presents a
sharp contrast. Its focus is on managed economic migration, with new schemes
for workers, a new points system planned to start in 2008 and further
restriction on family migration. The traditional focus on spouses and
children coming to join an initial breadwinner has completely disappeared,
and the later focus on asylum seekers and the 'genuineness' of their claims
has diminished.
This economic focus has directly and indirectly affected family migration.
For decades, the largest numbers of family migrants have been spouses
or fiancé(e)s coming to join a settled or British partner. The
rules on this have been made more restrictive in recent years-with the
claim being that this prevents abuse of family reunion procedures. The
doubling of the one-year probationary period of permission granted to
foreign spouses in April 2003 meant that it became harder for a foreign
partner to keep up a deception about intention to live together. But it
has also had the effect of keeping vulnerable people in abusive relationships
for longer periods as the settled spouse threatens to initiate deportation.
The raising of the minimum age for sponsors of spouses and for spouses
from abroad to 18-a policy designed to protect young people from being
pressured into marriage in communities where it is normal for family members
to arrange marriages-has also restricted numbers and choices.
[Increasing Restrictions]
The increasingly onerous
requirements on a partner applying for permission to remain, or applying
for settlement after a two-year probationary period, continue to grow.
When the spouse from abroad applies to settle, he or she is now required
to produce at least 20 official documents over the two-year period, showing
the names of either or both members of the couple. Few couples know of
this requirement in advance, and at the time of application, it becomes
almost impossible to meet. It also militates against a traditional joint
family way of life, when two or three generations of a family live together
and many of the utility bills, council tax demands and other bills are
addressed to the patriarch of the family.
A further rule change in April 2007, made with only a month's notice,
requires anyone between the ages of 18 and 65 applying for settlement
to pass the Home Office computer test of knowledge of language and life
in the UK. The intention of this test, first introduced for those applying
for British citizenship, is to help migrants understand the society in
which they live and to be able to participate fully in it. But with no
preparatory period, family members were unable to prepare for it and qualify
for settlement. At the same time, the fee for settlement was more than
doubled to £750, causing real financial difficulties for some families.
In addition, settlement visa fees abroad have increased to £500.
[Costs of Control]
The Home Office openly
admits that fees for settlement of family members, and for citizenship
applications, are set artificially high in order to pay the expenses of
enforcing immigration control. Once again, this shows the low priority
put on migrant family life. There is no reason why the costs of enforcing
control should be borne by family migrants, rather than the whole of society.
The Home Office plans a further consultation in the autumn on increasing
the minimum age for a spouse and sponsor to 21, and requiring spouses
from abroad to pass some form of English test before arrival. This barrier
would militate against poorer people from poorer countries, where the
opportunities for learning English are fewer.
Rules for children joining parents, or elderly parents joining adult children,
have not been significantly changed for decades. There has been little
discussion on the rigid cut-off point of 18 for children joining parents
and the restrictive rules for elderly relatives. But in some way, the
immigration authorities have recognised the value of families. The concession
that children born here or who came at a very young age and who live here
for more than seven years should not be deported, and that their parent(s)
may be allowed to also stay, recognises the importance of families in
community cohesion.
The 2003 'family settlement exercise,' whereby families who applied for
asylum before October 2000 and have a child under 18 were given settlement
even if the asylum application was refused, recognised the roots they
had put down and cleared some of the huge backlog of undecided cases.
The Home Office estimates there may still be 450,000 to 500,000 individuals
and families in the UK without any kind of immigration status, and it
will take up to five years to decide on all the cases. This delay does
not provide any kind of security, and the harsher policies to deter illegal
working mean that for years, families may exist in severe penury or fear.
The migration of families is important to migrants themselves and to a
significant proportion of society. Those coming to join families may stay
significantly longer than economic migrants. The government, therefore,
needs to consider the social and personal aspects of migration instead
of simply aiming for the maximisation of its economic benefits.
^
Top of page ^
[End of Section 1.3
]
[2]
Migrant Voices, Migrant Campaigns
· [2.1]
Medact Campaign on Immigration & Health Services
· [2.2] Migrants' Continue Pizza Chain
Dispute
· [2.3] Women for Refugee Women
[2.1]
Medact Launches Petition Campaign Against Immigration Controls on Health
Services
The global health charity, Medact, has criticised government plans to
introduce identity checks for primary health care services and impose
fees on refugees, refused asylum seekers and other undocumented migrants.
The proposals for immigration checks in GP practices were discussed in
September's Migrants' Rights News (link), and they are contained in the
Home Office strategy paper, Enforcing
the Rules (.pdf), published in March 2007.
Medact states that the proposals would:
· Deny
vulnerable and often destitute individuals the chance to identify serious
and often life-threatening conditions, which need immediate treatment.
· Contribute to maternal and infant mortality by delaying or
preventing access to maternity care.
· Condemn many children to a life without primary healthcare,
inevitably resulting in serious illness and death among some.
· Increase the likelihood that serious communicable diseases,
including TB and HIV, remain undiagnosed and thereby increase the transmission
risks and endangering public health.
· Remove an important source of support for women experiencing
domestic abuse.
· Increase avoidable costs to the NHS resulting from late diagnosis
and additional administration, and increase avoidable admissions to
hospital.
· Overburden Accident and Emergency Departments both with those
who should be treated at significantly lower costs in primary care,
and those who become seriously ill as primary care was unavailable to
them.
· Deny GPs their current discretion to judge how best to meet
the healthcare needs of their local population.
· Breach the UK's obligations to basic international human rights
standards and entrench discrimination in the NHS.
Medact is challenging
the introduction of these measures with a petition campaign. The Medact
petition
intends to "convince the Home Office and Department of Health that
a policy of excluding vulnerable migrants from NHS care is neither acceptable
nor workable." It says that any change in the regulations on primary
care access "must be preceded by a full Health Impact Assessment."
The Newham Primary
Care Trust (PCT) published a health-impact
assessment (.pdf) on an earlier and similar set of proposals in June
2006. The publication set out a number of concerns along the lines indicated
in the Medact petition. In February 2007, the Newham PCT and MRN, sponsored
a London seminar
(.pdf) addressing issues related to primary care services and immigrants
Community-based campaigning
against the measures is also underway in some areas of the country. As
was also reported in last month's Migrants Rights News, a migrants' group
in Manchester has written to their PCT to ask their views on regulations
that would restrict access on the part of migrants to health care services.
A reply from the PCT indicates that this would not be welcomed and that
a health impact assessment would be needed to consider the practical implications.
Related Resources
Medact Petition
Home
Office Report: Enforcing the Rules
(pdf)
Newham
PCT Health Impact Assessment
(pdf)
Report
of Newham PCT & MRN Seminar on Primary Care Services and Migrants
(.doc)
^
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[End of Section 2.1]
[2.2.]
Migrant Workers Continue Pizza Chain Dispute
A dispute, which began
in August in the Derby branch of the pizza chain Dominos, has continued
over the summer, with the latest claims of migrants' exploitation surfacing
in Wolverhampton.
The newly-merged trade
union, Unite, produced evidence of deductions amounting to £50 per
week from Eastern European migrants in the summer. This sparked a storm
of counter-claims by the company alleging that the union was acting unfairly.
The company stated that its dismissal of its eight Hungarian national
workers was not connected to their speaking out against "appalling
conditions," claiming that dismissal was warranted as the staff had
refused to register on the Home Office's Workers Registration Scheme.
But the company's
claims were challenged weeks later with the emergence of evidence that
workers in Wolverhampton had been earning negative wages due to salary
deductions. One former delivery worker, Tibor Sorosi, had received deductions
amounting to £1,700. The company said these costs related to the
purchasing and insuring of the car he had used to deliver pizzas.
Other workers in Wolverhampton
said they had no employment contracts, and they had not received wages
for the first week of their work on the grounds that they had been given
unpaid training for their jobs.
The dispute was reported
on BBC2's 'Newsnight' programme back in July, and publicity encouraged
other bodies, including the Derby City Council, local MP Margaret Beckett
and the police to speak out against migrants' exploitation.
At the end of September,
the Transport and General Workers' Union (TGWU) section of Unite claimed
a victory on behalf of the workers for its campaign, with management agreeing
to review employment practices and end unreasonable deductions from wages.
But the union said it was receiving more evidence of migrants' subjection
to abusive conditions, and they called on the government to take necessary
preventative action.
^
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[ End of Section 2.2
]
[2.3]
Women for Refugee Women
A leading campaign
group, Women for Refugee Women (WfRW),
has emerged in recent months, bringing together women who stand in solidarity
with women refugees. Its objectives are to raise awareness of the situation
of women fleeing gender-based persecution, including rape, 'honour' crimes,
and female genital mutilation, and promote the human rights of women seeking
asylum in the UK.
The group also seeks to raise awareness of the humanitarian impact on
women of enforced destitution, indefinite immigration detention and violent
deportation arising from UK immigration policy.
In July 2006, WfRW organised an event at the Institute for Contemporary
Artsin London, bringing together women working in the media, politics,
law and the arts to discuss possible contributions to these areas towards
the improved understanding of women's experience of persecution and how
this generates refugee movements. The event was followed up with a second
meeting in March 2007 in which refugee women predominated and directed
discussion on engagements with women journalists and lawyers.
Part of WfRW's work involves lobbying and briefing MPs on women refugee
issues. The campaign group's website reports on meetings with Barbara
Follet and other women MPs. A meeting with minister Vera Baird, who oversees
the government's plans to reduce legal aid spending on refugee cases,
led to questions being raised on how the UK would meet its obligations
under human rights law should there be reductions in money required to
pay for legal assistance.
The group's website provides a good archive of media reports on issues
concerning refugee women and UK policy. It also provides accounts of individual
asylum cases and reports on upcoming events and issues requiring action
from supporters.
Related Resources
Women for Refugee Women Website
http://www.refugeewomen.com/about.php
^
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[ End of section 2.3
]
[3]
Research and Advocacy-Who is Saying What About Immigration
· [3.1]
Progressive Approach' to Migration Called for by Compass, Barrow
Cadbury Trust and MRN
· [3.2] Migration and Housing Market
Report Says Migrants Do Not Threaten Local Residents
· [3.3] Polish and Lithuanian Migrants
Present Challenges and Opportunities for Unions Says New TUC Study
· [3.4] Employers Advice Groups Says
25,000 Care Workers Face Removal
Publication on
Immigration and Progressive Politics; Report on Immigration and Housing
Markets; TUC Report on Polish and Lithuanian Migrants; Immigration Newsletter
Highlights Care Workers' Plight
[3.1]
'Progressive Approach' to Migration Called for by Compass, Barrow Cadbury
Trust and MRN
A new pamphlet, Towards a Progressive Immigration Policy, emerging from
collaboration between Compass-Directions for the Democratic Left, the
Barrow Cadbury Trust and the MRN was launched at a fringe meeting at the
Labour party conference on 26 September.
The pamphlet consists of twelve essays on aspects of progressive politics
and the ways it can be made to relate to immigration policy. MRN director
Don Flynn and one of the editors of the publication, says in the opening
chapter that what is currently called progressivism has been ambiguous
in its attitude to immigration in recent years. Progressivism as it currently
stands holds that it is sufficient to declare that immigration can be
made to work for the good of the British economy as measured by profitability
and gross domestic product growth rates.
This emphasis of economic performance has meant that progressivism has
failed to provide a broader base of argument in support of migration across
a wider range of social policy issues. The challenges which immigration
undoubtedly presents to society are discussed as intractable problems
and dangers which produce victims and losers at every point. After a few
years of experimenting with policies that open the system up to higher
levels of migration, progressive politicians sink back into a mood of
despondency when the simplistic 'good for Britain' message fails to catch
on.
The essays in this collection investigate the political responses to migration
in recent years. Compass Chair Neal Lawson criticises the centre left
for collapsing into an anti-immigration stance in the manner exemplified
by the editor of Prospect magazine, David Goodhart. Other articles examine
immigration as an aspect of globalisation, what migrants are doing in
economic and social terms, and issues related to workplace, housing, schools,
the health service, and what it calls 'habits of solidarity'-meaning the
capacity of civil society to respond to migration challenges.
Other contributing authors to the pamphlet are Stephen Castles, Laurence
Cooley, Dhananjayan Sriskandarajah, Bernard Ryan, Sue Lukes, Rob Berkeley,
Wayne Farah, Sukhvinder Stubbs, Sarah Kyambi, Jon Cruddas and Leonie McCarthy.
A copy of Towards a Progressive Immigration Policy can also be obtained
at £5.00 (including postage) from 'Progressive Immigration', MRN,
Club Union House, 253-254 Upper Street, London N1 1RY. Cheques are payable
to 'MRN'.
Reductions available for bulk orders - email info@migrantsrights.org.uk
for more details.
You can download a copy directly from the link below.
Related Resources
Compass, Barrow Cadbury Trust and MRN publication: Towards
a Progressive Immigration Policy.
(42 page .pdf)
^
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[ End of section 3.1
]
[3.2]
Migration and Housing Market Report Says Migrants Do Not Threaten Local
Residents
A recently released report, titled 'Economic Migration to Housing Market
Renewal Areas in North West England-Opportunity or Threat?' concluded
that migrants posed no threat to local communities. Commissioned by the
Merseyside Social Inclusion Observatory (MSIO), it was written by Simon
Pemberton and Claire Stevens and released in September 2007.
As increasing numbers of migrants from A8 countries are thought to be
moving into housing market renewal areas, the report considered the impact
of economic migrants from the newly acceded countries of Eastern Europe
(referred to as 'A8' countries) on local housing, employment markets,
access to services and community cohesion. It focused on areas marked
as 'Housing Market Renewal (HMR) Pathfinder areas' of North West England-NewHeartlands
(Merseyside-covering parts of Liverpool, Sefton and Wirral), and Oldham
and Rochdale.
The research revealed that recent migration to these areas did not generally
pose a problem to the community, as migrants did not appear to displace
existing residents from available housing. Migrants tended to accept housing
that is in low demand among local tenants, and they were actually helping
to regenerate properties which were previously 'hard to let'.
The majority of migrants interviewed decided to live in these areas as
they had previous contacts with friends and family, and they felt they
were able to attain a higher standard of living for relatively lower costs.
Though approximately half of all migrants interviewed stated they planned
to stay less than three months, 57% had lived in the areas for over a
year, and 27% had been in residence for up to three years.
Problems identified by the research included the increased risk that unsuitable
properties are being let to migrants to maximise rental income.
Another significant finding was that a minority of migrants are starting
to buy property, and this could bring marked positive changes by promoting
economic development of the areas. It could also have a potential negative
impact of leading to the displacement of existing residents from housing,
services and employment, and hence, it might "work against community
cohesion in the longer term." The report suggested that if and when
more migrants' property purchasing power increases, additional funding
arrangements by HMR programmes could help respond to such changes.
The research also examined the impact of migrants from A8 countries on
the economy and public services in the specified areas. Most migrants,
those in the public and community sectors and existing residents interviewed
felt that there had not been any significant job displacement for local
workers caused by migrants.
There was also no substantive evidence found of additional migrant-related
pressures on public services, although a higher demand for ESOL classes
was reported among education providers. Most migrants said they made relatively
little use of NHS services, often preferring to travel back to their home
countries for treatment.
But the Kensington area within NewHeartlands stood out from the other
areas as it reported an increase in family settlement and the enrolment
of migrant children at local infant and primary schools. The report suggested
the allocation of additional funding for schools so that they could provide
more classroom assistants and mentors to respond to these changes.
Police in all the areas reported that efforts had been made to contact
and liaise with A8 migrant communities. An important finding was that
despite isolated incidents, "there was no suggestion that A8 migration
had led to any significant impact on crime and community safety in any
of the HMR areas under consideration."
Related Resources
MSIO Policy Report: 'Economic
Migration to Housing Market Renewal Areas in North West England-Opportunity
or Threat?' September 2007
(pdf)
^
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[ End of section 3.2
]
[3.3]
Polish and Lithuanian Migrants Present Challenges and Opportunities for
Unions Says New TUC Study
New EU Members: Migrant Workers' Challenges and Opportunities to UK Trades
Unions-A Polish and Lithuanian Case Study was published by the TUC in
September. Written by Bridget Anderson, Nick Clark and Violetta Parutis,
it sets out the findings of a survey of 508 Polish and Lithuanian migrants
who requested information leaflets from the TUC after the accession of
their countries to membership of the EU in May 2004.
The survey provides evidence of the exploitation of migrants from Eastern
Europe by British businesses, and sets out the following main findings:
· over
half the respondents said that they had encountered problems at work
in the UK either currently or in the past;
· nearly a quarter reported having no written contract, a figure
which rose to nearly a third amongst agency workers;
· over a quarter highlighted problems with payment, including
not being paid for hours worked, discrepancies between pay and payslips,
unauthorised deductions, and errors in pay calculation; and
· ten times as many migrants as indigenous workers were paid
less than the national minimum wage.
The report findings
challenges the assertion among some that jobs done by migrants are marginal
and could be dispensed without damage to the overall health of the economy
are challenged by the findings of the report. In contrast to claims that
firms employing migrants contribute little to economic growth, the report
found that the companies the migrants complained about were profitable
with one making over £45 million a year. Company CEOs were receiving
salaries of between £100,000 and over £600,000 a year.
Tied accommodation had returned to business practices in a big way, with
this being an important mechanism to increase employer power over workers.
31 per cent of migrants surveyed were living in accommodation that was
found for them or provided by their employers, and over 40 per cent of
those working for more than 48 hours a week were in tied accommodation.
The unlawful payment of wages below the minimal level was found to be
much more extensive amongst migrant workers than it was for residents.
Across all categories, 1.3 per cent of jobs in Britain pay less than minimum
wage rates: for migrants the figure ranged from 11 to 14 per cent.
The report concludes that migrant workers need assistance to secure their
rights, and that trade unions and advice agencies should work together
to provide such support.
Related Resources
New EU Members: Migrant Workers' Challenges
and Opportunities to UK Trades Unions-A Polish and Lithuanian Case Study'
(pdf)
^
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[ End of section 3.3
]
[3.4]
Employers Advice Groups Says 25,000 Care Workers Face Removal
Immigration Matters Newsletter, which advises employers on matters relating
to the employment of migrant workers, has calculated that up to 25,000
workers currently in the UK will be required to leave the UK or face removal
as a result of government changes to the work permit rules in the employment
of senior carers working in residential care homes.
The plight of the care workers was covered in the September issue of Migrants
Rights News. Changes to the rules on the skill content of senior carers
had produced a situation in which those needing to renew their existing
residence permits to complete their final 12 months of 'leave to remain
as workers' would find their applications being refused by Work Permits
UK (WPUK), the Border and Immigration Agency's work permit agency. In
what the BIA described as a concession to employers concerned about the
disruption of continuity of care, the WPUK said that they would grant
extensions providing that the employer provided evidence that the worker
was earning a minimum of £14,600 per annum.
Immigration Matters believes that very few owners of care homes would
be prepared to pay wages at this level. It says that it is receiving "hundreds"
of enquiries everyday from carers worried about the prospect of losing
their jobs and removal from the UK. It recommends that people in this
position should not quit their jobs, but seek legal advice on their position.
They should also join a trade union and set about lobbying MPs about the
predicament they have been placed in.
Related Resources
Immigration Matters Newsletter
http://www.immigrationmatters.co.uk/
for more information.
^
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[ End of section 3.4
]
[4]
International
news
· [4.1]
European Commission Seeks Role in Policing Migration
· [4.2] Council of Europe View of Regularisation
Programme
· [4.3] Radio1812 organises global
broadcast for migrant rights
[4.1]
European Commission Seeks Role in Policing Migration
The European Commission (EC) continued with its push to define a role
for itself in the field of immigration policy during a 'high-level conference
on legal migration, which took place under the aegis of the Portuguese
presidency of the EU in Lisbon in September.
The conference considered a newly published OECD report entitled Gaining
from Migration: Towards a New Mobility System. The report claims to offer
a "road-map" to a new system of labour mobility which proceeds
from the basis that migrants can be made to work for everyone's benefit-sending
and receiving countries and the migrants themselves. A presentation by
OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurria clarified the scope of international
organisations' ambitions to achieve the total management of migration.
He said that institutions need to:
"look at migration from different angles, ranging from the education
and integration of immigrants to matching of skills and labour market
needs and fostering economic development in the origin countries. This
will entail looking at the best ways to achieve an orderly migration flow
management and how to deal more effectively with illegal migration and
the unlawful employment of foreigners."
The challenge to work on this basis was taken up in a speech by Franco
Frattini, EC Vice President and Commissioner for Justice, Freedom and
Security. Amongst his concerns was the high component of 'unskilled' labour
in EU migration flows, which he claimed made up the majority of all new
arrivals. The added value of a European approach would, he said, be a
reversal of these proportions, with skilled workers becoming the majority
of migrants in EU managed policies.
Europe would tackle these issues, according to Mr.Frattini, through improved
coordination of its efforts to combat irregular migration and "illegal
working," enhanced identification of the areas of demand for migrants
across Europe, and setting up channels to permit entry. He cited the recent
opening of a Centre for Migration Management in Bamako, Mali as an example
of good practice, as it "foster(s) efficient management of the human,
financial and technical value of Malians abroad and monitor(s) the flow
of remittances." Centres like this could influence migration patterns
and also serve as a reception mechanism for new arrivals.
Mr. Frattini advised the conference to look towards two new legislative
proposals that would be issued by the EU in October: a general Framework
Directive on the basic socio-economic rights of all third-country workers,
and a Directive on the admission of highly-skilled migrants. In 2008,
the Commission will propose an additional Directive on the admission of
seasonal workers.
He stressed, from the Commission's point of view, the need to tackle "illegal
migration" as the "other side of the coin." A key aspect
of the work of the EU would be around proposals, published in May, for
a Directive that harmonised sanctions against employers providing work
to undocumented migrants.
A further component of the EU approach to migration policy is integration,
the possibility of which will be available to "people who are highly
motivated and strongly desire to be a part of the societies they live
in." The implication of this is that all candidates for entry into
new managed migration schemes will need to demonstrate a level of commitment
to life in Europe which might encroach on the continuation of attachments
to countries and cultures of origin.
On the basis of descriptions of international institutions provided by
senior officials, there are grounds for concern about the insistence of
highly-detailed controls and strong powers being invested in authorities
to act against individuals breaching regulations. The debate in Europe
is still in a comparatively early phase. But should Mr. Frattini's programme
of work later form the basis for practical measures of migration management,
a greater demand would need to be placed to ensure the adequate protection
of rights of migrants.
^
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[ End of section 4.1
]
[4.2]
Council of Europe Meeting Takes a Positive View of Regularisation Programmes
The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe met in Strasbourg
on 1 October to consider a report entitled Regularisation Programmes for
Irregular Migrants, prepared by Mr John Greenway, a UK Conservative party
member of the European Democrat Group.
The report identifies 23 regularisation programmes run by nine Council
of Europe states during the period 1981 to 2006. The states concerned
are France (two programmes), Belgium (one), Greece (five), Italy (five),
Luxembourg (one), Portugal (three), Spain (six), and the UK (one). The
report estimates that more than 3.5 million people have benefited from
regularisation under these schemes during this time.
The report states that despite the frequent resort to regularisation by
states in Europe, the measure remains controversial and little has been
done to work out a programme methodology to achieve maximum benefits.
It concludes that regularisation should be acknowledged as a policy which
can have a constructive effect combined with measures such as the protection
of migrants' rights, increased internal and external immigration controls,
and return programmes. The report argues that the prevention of exploitation
should be an objective of immigration regulation, and to increase the
level of protection available to migrant workers, properly coordinated
measures are needed.
The report does not commit itself to any particular proposals. Instead,
it sets out a number of principles identified as features of good regularisation
programmes. These include:
a. Strengthening
the capacity of the administration to deal with the anticipated volume
of applications;
b. Reduction of administrative requirements to a minimum;
c. Checks against fraud in procedures;
d. Consultation with employers' and employee organisations, and groups
representing irregular migrants;
e. Proper explanation of the purpose of the scheme and the benefits
to be obtained for the general public.
The report recommended
a programme of work aimed at examining and analysing the situation of
irregular migration into Europe and its related state policies. It called
for this work to involve a major hearing on the issue of regularisation
programmes involving not only state departments but also representatives
of irregular migrants, trades unions and other civil society organisations.
The same day the report came to the Parliamentary Assembly (1 October),
the Council of Europe organised a consultation with civil society organisations
working with undocumented migrants in Strasbourg. This half-day session
was hosted by the French migrants' rights organisation Cimade, and PICUM,
the Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants. MRN
director and PICUM Chair Don Flynn addressed this event, welcoming the
Parliamentary Assembly initiative and call for more serious consideration
for regularisation programmes.
Related Resources
Speech
of OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurria
Speech of European
Commissioner Franco Frattini
Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe Report: Regularisation Programmes for
Irregular Migrants
^
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[ End of section 4.2
]
[4.3]
Radio1812 organises global broadcast for migrant rights
Radio 1812/2007
invites you to Tune in on International
Migrants Day!
Radio 1812 is a global
event dedicated to International Migrants Day, producing and broadcasting
programmes from radios worldwide.
^
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[ End of section 4.3
]
[5]
Up and Coming Events and Activities
29/10/07 to 26/11/07
Autumn
European Interdisciplinary Seminar Series:
Perspectives on European Migration
30/10/07 Health
of Black and Ethnic Minority Communities
03/11/07 Conference:
Migrant Workers in the East of England: Sharing good practice and celebrating
achievements organised by MENTER
15/11/07 Conference:
Making Rights Real -A national conference for voluntary and community
organisations working to tackle inequality and promote human rights
19/11/07 Conference:
Extending choice and participation in housing for black and minority ethnic
communities
Full events listings:
http://www.migrantsrights.org.uk/events.htm
Send us events
information http://www.migrantsrights.org.uk/form/events.htm:
^
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[ End of section 5
]
[6]
Jobs
Volunteer
wanted: Asylum Rights Campaign, co-ordinator Closing date: 23/10/07
MENTER:
Regional
Marketing Officer, Cambridge - Closing date: 29/10/07
Jobs
listings:
http://www.migrantsrights.org.uk/opportunities.htm
Send
us job information via:
http://www.migrantsrights.org.uk/form/jobs.htm
^
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[ End of section 6]
[7]
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^
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[ End of section 7
]
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